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Latin in Medieval Britain$

Richard Ashdowne and Carolinne White

Print publication date: 2017

Print ISBN-13: 9780197266083

Published to British Academy Scholarship Online: September 2017

DOI: 10.5871/bacad/9780197266083.001.0001

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On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

Chapter:
(p.272) 12 On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405
Source:
Latin in Medieval Britain
Author(s):

Laura Wright

Publisher:
British Academy
DOI:10.5871/bacad/9780197266083.003.0012

Abstract and Keywords

Accounts of institutions and private individuals between the Norman Conquest and about 1500 were routinely written in a non-random mixture of Medieval Latin, Anglo-Norman, and Middle English. If the base language was Medieval Latin, then only nouns, stems of verbs, and certain semantic fields such as weights and measures could appear in English or French, with all the grammatical material in Latin and English and Anglo-Norman nouns, verbs, and adjectives Latinised by adding a suffix, or an abbreviation sign representing a suffix. If the base language was Anglo-Norman, then only the same restricted semantic fields and nouns and stems of verbs could appear in English. This situation changed over time, but was essentially stable for almost five hundred years. The chapter asks why, if English words could easily be assimilated into a Latin or French matrix by means of suffixes or abbreviations representing suffixes, were all English words not assimilated? Why did letter graphies such as <wr->, <-ck>, <-ght> persist in mixed-language business writing? One effect is to make the text-type of business writing very unlike any other genre—half a glance is all it takes to recognise a mixed-language business document and that may have been an advantage.

Keywords:   abbreviations, Anglo-Norman, Medieval Latin, Middle English, mixed-language business accounts, St Paul's Cathedral

THIS CHAPTER INVESTIGATES THE ROLE OF unintegrated English and French vocabulary in the mixed-language Latin-matrix accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, written in London between 1315 and 1405. ‘Integrated’ and ‘non-integrated’ mean whether or not an English or French word had a Latin grammatical suffix, as sometimes they did and sometimes they didn’t. The accounts were kept by rent-collectors for the cathedral, and passages containing phrases and clauses (as opposed to lists of people’s names, addresses, and rent) detail repairs to cathedral property. They are written in a Medieval Latin grammatical matrix, with Latin vocabulary influenced by Anglo-Norman French, and Middle English words positioned in the Noun Phrase. Code-switching of this sort between Medieval Latin, Anglo-Norman French and Middle English (with sporadic vocabulary from other European vernaculars) was the default in accounts written in Britain at this date.1 As a generalisation, the matrix language expressed by function words was either monolingual Latin or monolingual Anglo-Norman, with content words in Latin, Anglo-Norman, and English placed in modifier, noun, and deverbal-ing slots. The research question asked here is not so much ‘why were accounts multilingual’, but rather ‘why was there any unintegrated element at all in such a highly multilingual text-type?’ Given that any word could have been integrated into the Latin matrix by adding a Latin suffix (or an abbreviation or suspension sign representing a Latin suffix), why was a proportion not so integrated? The accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral have been chosen for study only because they have not yet been surveyed linguistically, not because they are in any way unusual. On the contrary, their internal linguistic make-up is regular for the date, place, and time.

(p.273) Code-switching from language to language was one mechanism by which the three languages were mixed in the linguistic system used for accounts and inventories, but it was not the only method. Glossing, cognate roots, visual diamorphs2, borrowings, and emblems3 also facilitated the creation of a multilingual text. However, a proportion of the word-types in the building-accounts of the period studied here—almost half—were not integrated into the Latin matrix by these means, be they simplex words, compounds, morphemes, or graphies, but rather their ‘Englishness’ was foregrounded: <wr->, <-ck>, <-ght> graph-sequences, for example, had no place in Latin, and although sack was frequently written as <sacc-> (where the hyphen stands for an abbreviation symbol), allowing it to be read as both Latin saccus and English sack, it was also, on occasion, written as <sak>. It raises the question, why was the <-k> spelling-variant retained in this text-type at all? Why did a scribe who wrote <sacc-> on one line, then write <sak> on the next?

In what follows, I briefly describe the mechanics of mixing languages in the St Paul’s Cathedral accounts. I report on counting the ratios of integrated multilingual words (that is, words which were simultaneously meaningful and grammatically sufficient in Latin, French, and English and combinations thereof), versus monolingual, unintegrated, non-Latin-looking words such as sak, which did not fit the matrix grammatically or orthographically. It transpires that date makes a difference in this archive, with most of the unintegrated material occurring after 1390. I consider the proposition that one purpose of retaining unintegrated matter may have been to differentiate the text-type of accounts from any other text-type. Other text-types incorporated vernacular-language roots too, but without maintaining a proportion of resolutely non-Latinised material (other than personal names and place-names). Business accounts were presented on the page in a unique fashion, both in linguistic construction and mise en page, and could not have been mistaken for anything else. However, this may be imputing too much deliberation to post-1390 developments. The higher ratio of unintegrated matter may have owed more to changes in how Anglo-Norman, in particular, was learnt in the later 14th century, and not have been consciously determined.

(p.274) 1. Code-switching and Visual Diamorphs

In accounts and inventories, from those written by the most official public bodies to those of private individuals, code-switching between Medieval Latin, Anglo-Norman French, and Middle English occurred variably in predictable slots, from the Norman Conquest until the end of the 15th century. Certain semantic fields were particularly resistant to representation in Medieval Latin. Names of people, social ranks and titles, place-names, currencies, weights and measures, and the names of commodities were often retained in English, Anglo-Norman, or other European vernaculars. English usually appeared in the Noun Phrase, with nouns and deverbal -ing forms most frequently switched. In Latin-matrix accounts, a house was usually written as a domus, but also, and especially in compounds, as a hous. A nail was usually written as a clavus, but also, and especially in compounds, as a nayl. The resulting text was, therefore, to some extent glossed, helped by the visual code of abbreviation and suspension symbols which served to both indicate and suppress case-endings, visually paring words to their roots so that they could no longer be assigned to a single language.

Code-switching is illustrated here with two sets of words, meaning gravel and gutter, taken from the building accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, although whether the code-switched words referred to exactly the same commodity is hard to prove at a distance of nearly seven hundred years. Gravel could come in various sizes, and gutters were made out of wood, lead, and tile, potentially giving rise to specialist vocabulary. Nevertheless, I have only been able to find gravel/zabul- and gutter/stillicidi-/rigoil.4

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

And in 8 cartloads of gravel, 2s 8d … And in 1 cartload of gravel, 4d

Note that the price is the same, 4d per cartload, making it unlikely that the Latin word was used for one sort of gravel and the English word for another. Examples (2)–(4) show Medieval Latin stillicidi-, Anglo-Norman and Middle English goter/gutter, and Anglo-Norman rigoil:

(p.275)

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

And in board bought for repairing the gutter between the houses of St Paul’s and Stephen le Blound, 2s 6d. In timber bought, 12d. In nails bought, 4d. In stipend of two carpenters there for two days, 2s. In cleaning 1 wey and 10lbs of lead, 8½ɖ In purging a certain small gutter outside the windows, 3s.

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

And account paid to Thomas the Plumber for making gutters at the said house from his own lead, 3s 7ɖ … in lead bought for guttering of the chimney, 11ɖ … In one plank bought for the bottom of a gutter, 3ɖ … in lead bought from Thomas the plumber for guttering the room and for his work, 11s 8ɖ

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

And in gutters and rails for the windows there, 8ɖ

Gutters occur frequently in building accounts.5 In (2) the Anglo-Norman word coined from Latin gutta (‘drop’) + -er takes both a case-ending On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 and an abbreviation sign On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405, and retains the Latin letter-graph sequence <gutt->. The Anglo-Norman root is from Latin gutta, and the Medieval Latin form in (3) is a compound of another Latin word for a drop, stilla, plus cadere (‘to fall’), giving a meaning of ‘catcher of drops’ for both. OED, s. gutter, n.1 notes that in the 14th and 15th centuries, gutter was ‘often used to render Latin stillicidium’. In (3) there is no attempt to anglify stillicidi-, which retains Latin case-endings -o, -i, and the abbreviation sign for the genitive plural -orum, On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405. DMLBS glosses stillicidium as ‘gutter, spout’, with attestations from 1289. Salzman (1952 [1997]: 267), however, translates stillicidia as ‘spouts’ alone, noting that Middle English <spowt> could also mean a rainwater pipe, but the Anglo-Norman Dictionary conflates the two, defining goter as ‘gutter, spouting (of roof)’. (Note also both French and Latin thome le plomer and thoma On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 in (3).) Stillicid- and gutter are used frequently in the St Paul’s Cathedral accounts at the same dates; rigoil only occurs after 1400 (DMLBS rigolus ‘channel’ (1292), OED rigol ‘gutter’ (1658)), and is of uncertain origin, possibly from Middle Dutch (OED rigol, n.).

(p.276) Different clerks chose to use different lexemes for this commodity, and prior to 1390 they usually integrated them into the Latin matrix by adding a suffix (or abbreviation symbol representing a suffix) as in (2).

Example (5), from early in the 14th century, shows integration into the Latin matrix of the compound created from OE crowd + OE wain. This English compound has been treated as a Latin noun, and as it is governed by the preceding preposition in (itself a visual diamorph) it has been given a suffix, represented by On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405. The addition of a suffix, whether fully spelled out or written as an emblem, could integrate pretty much any English word into the Latin matrix (names excepted):

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

And Tuesday in 4 crowdwains [a type of handcart], 16ɖ

Latin suffixes on non-Latin compounds such as this mostly predate the 15th century. In the St Paul’s Cathedral accounts a preponderance of bare forms, or bare forms premodified by an article lella, les, began in 1390 (in the accounts of London Bridge they are found from 1420—the date of this innovation varies from archive to archive).6

Code-switched elements frequently occur as simplex/compound variants. The usual practice was to write the simplex form in Latin and the compound in English or Anglo-Norman:

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

And in propping up one post and one seam in the stable & for 2 steps for stairs towards the garderobe and one stair-shide [‘stair-board’], 14ɖ

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

and in 1 reason-piece of oak used in another room over a stable there, and in 1 piece of oak for binding two rooms together there

(p.277) In (7) the form On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 is a visual diamorph, whereas <-pece> is written out in full, rendering it English or French but not Latin. Such compounds are usually made up of Middle English and Anglo-Norman [noun + noun] or [adjective + noun].

If we turn again to (2), several words in this extract are visual diamorphs. They cannot be assigned specifically to Medieval Latin, Anglo-Norman French, or Middle English, as they simultaneously belonged to two or more of those languages’ writing systems:

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

ML, AN, ME

in

ML, ME

borɖ

ML, AN, ME

gutter

ML, AN, ME

&

ML, AN, ME

stipenɖ

ML, AN, ME

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

ML, AN, ME

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

ML, AN, ME

Had the suffixes been written out in full, they would have belonged categorically to one or other language system, but being abbreviated, they are visually sufficient in more than one language. De Schepper and Stam (in press) have extended the notion of visual diamorph to include the common ideographs used in all three languages (for example, the ampersand sign, the sign for an ounce, roman numerals) as well as abbreviation and suspension symbols. They collectively term abbreviation, suspension, and other such symbols ‘emblems’.7 Emblems, then, work as a multilingual visual shorthand, facilitating overlap of languages and blurring the distinctions between them. The form On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 in (8) is also a visual diamorph, as at this date (1341), the English suffix -ing had not yet entirely replaced the older English verbal noun suffix, variously spelt <-and(e)>, <-ind(e)>, <-end(e)>. These three spellings for the verbal noun suffix with <-a->, <-i->, and <-e-> letter-graphs are usually held to have had a dialectal distribution, but all three spellings are found in London mixed-language texts, corresponding to -ar-, -ir-, and -er- Latin verb declensions.8

(p.278)

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

9

And account paid to Walther Pente for lathing walls according to his contract, 6s 8ɖ

In (8) the verbal noun lathanɖ is composed of Old English lat ‘lath’ (also found in Anglo-Norman, see AND lath), plus the Medieval Latin gerund suffix for -ar- verbs, with a suspended final Latin accusative-case suffix governed by the preposition ad. It is thus [root] + [gerund] + [suspended accusative case-ending], and it is [OE + ML]. However, it is also simultaneously Old English lat, plus the Middle English verbal noun ending -and(e), so it is also [root] + [verbal noun suffix], [OE + ME]. In the 1390s (in this archive), the morpheme -ing came to be used in the verbal noun slot as well as On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405:

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

And in 650 fourpenny nails used similarly in flooring puncheonings in gutters and in two latrines there, 2s 2ɖ9

The -ing suffix was affixed firstly to nouns: the St Paul’s Cathedral accounts contain On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (first attested in these accounts in 1319), On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (1396), On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (1396), On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (1400); then to premodifiers in the Noun Phrase: On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (1398), hangingloke (1404), On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (1404); and to verbal nouns governed by a preposition: On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (1391), in On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (1393), in On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (1402). -ing was affixed to French words as well as English ones.

Emblems were a crucial part of the make-up of the text, creating visual diamorphs, and latinising non-Latin vocabulary. They were not used simply to save space. I mentioned that in the 1390s (in this archive, but at different dates in different archives), a change took place whereby non-Latin nouns that would previously have been integrated by means of an emblem, or by means of an explicit Latin case-ending, were instead expressed as a bare form or [le + noun]:

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

And for 11 sacks of chalk bought, 22d

(p.279) On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

And in 19 sacks of chalk bought from the same Peter for the aforesaid work and used in the same, price the sack, 1d farthing

(In (11) I have indicated the fine pen-stroke on the <k> graph in the second token of sak, an otiose word-final flourish, not expressing plurality as it does elsewhere.) The formula ‘precium/price le X’ was particularly productive. As well as On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 le sake, the St Paul’s Accounts show: 1393 On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (hundred), pOn Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 le Mlne (thousand); 1394 On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (bushel), On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 le nayl, On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 le lood (load), On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 1397 On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 le taiβ‎ (‘teise’, a weight), On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 1398 On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 le borɖ (board), On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (piece), On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 le schide (shide, a piece of wood), On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 le saplog (sap-log), On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 le staff; 1400 On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 le rafter; 1401 On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 le poste; 1402 On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 le puncheon, On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 le quart; 1402 On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405le peire (pair); 1403 On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 le pipe; 1405 On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 le bote (boat). Indeed this may be the way in which the construction [le + noun] expanded out to other nouns from the confines of names, occupations, and place-names.

Latin de + albare (‘to make white’, ‘to whitewash’, leading to ‘to smooth over’) became dauber in Anglo-Norman French and then English:

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

And to the dauber, 18ɖ

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

In 1 dauber with one mate hired for 10 days in making (repairing) the same delapidated (building), 9s

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

In 400 hearthlaths bought both for the tiler and for the dauber, 2s 3ɖ

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 in (12) from early in the century can only be read as Latin; mid-century On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 in (13) can be read as both French and English but is integrated into the Latin text by means of a word-final abbreviation symbol; however, On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 in (14), from the end of the century, is not so integrated and is expressed in the ‘modern’ manner of [le + bare form], without a Latin case-ending or emblem representing a Latin case-ending.

(p.280) Surveying the accounts as a whole, words sat on a cline of Latinity to Frenchness to Englishness according to how they were spelled. Figure 12.1 shows some examples:

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

Figure 12.1. Cline of Latinity > Frenchness > Englishness, with spellings and dates of first attestations in the St Paul’s Cathedral Accounts, 1315–1405.

In figure 12.1, the Latin column shows nouns fitted into the Latin matrix by means of word-final suffixes or emblems representing such suffixes, the Emblems column is trilingual, and the Middle English and Anglo-Norman columns are interchangeable.10 The English spellings mostly postdate 1390. I divided all the non-Latin vocabulary in these accounts (273 word-types) into words which were latinised (143, or 52%), and words which remained unintegrated (130, or 48%). Integration into the Latin matrix was achieved by virtue of:

  • borrowing, such as bordis ‘boards’, cordis ‘cords’, where Germanic bord was borrowed into Romance, and Greek > Latin chorda was borrowed into English;

  • Latin word-final suffixes, such as garderobam ‘garderobe, toilet’, baga ‘bag’, where Anglo-Norman garde-robe and ?Old Norse bag were given Latin case-endings;

  • multilingual suffixes, such as on stallis ‘stalls’ (Old English steall), hespis ‘hasps’ (Old English On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405), which have been given a plural suffix that fits both languages orthographically;

  • word-final emblems, such as on On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 ‘gable-wall’, dorlacħ ‘door-latches’, where the emblem on the word-final letter-graph enables interpretation as a Latin plural morpheme11.

(p.281) Integrated vocabulary belonged simultaneously to both Latin and Anglo-Norman (On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 ‘portag/e, -io’, from AN porter ‘to carry’), or to both Latin and Middle English (scalis ‘scales’, from ON skál ‘scale, bowl’, where the Old Norse word had been borrowed into English). I treated the most frequent noun plural suffix, -is, as simultaneously English and Latin, but the noun plural suffix -es as simultaneously Anglo-Norman and English but not Latin, thus remaining unintegrated into the Latin matrix. I treated plural word-final emblem -e as trilingually Medieval Latin, Anglo-Norman, and Middle English; but plural suffix -ys as unintegrated, as it is not part of the Latin orthographical system. Emblems were crucial: Old-English-derived words such as On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (‘floor’), stall (‘stall’), On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (‘spiking’), are integrated visual diamorphs only by virtue of their word-final emblems, without which they would remain unintegrated and monolingual. Almost half the Anglo-Norman and Middle English vocabulary was not integrated, either because it was not given any kind of Latin word-final suffix or abbreviation representing a Latin suffix (chymeney ‘chimney’, cole ‘glue’), or because it was spelt with letter-graph sequences which were not part of the Latin orthographic system (swelewe ‘swallow, drain’, stulpys ‘bollards’).

How was the non-Latin appearance of the non-integrated words at 48% expressed on the membrane? In particular, <y>, <k>, and <w> graphs did not belong to the Latin spelling system, nor did certain digraphs and trigraphs:

  • The <k> graph was used in this archive (proper nouns included): plaunk (‘plank’, 1341), clikete (‘clicket’, 1340), On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (name, 1383), boket (‘bucket’, 1389), le wyket (‘wicket’), le sake (1393), pekke (‘peck’, 1395), kokyr (‘?cocker’, 1395), coker̕ (‘?cocker’, 1397), bloke (‘blocks’, 1397), hoke (‘hooks’, 1397), rakkys (‘rakes’, 1398), On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (name, 1398), Haydok (name, 1400), Brakele (name, 1400), Bokeleresbury (name, 1400), Bokeland (name, 1400), okenborɖ (‘oakenboard’, 1400), Stockes (name, 1402), stoklokkes (1404), Bake (p.282) (name, 1404), On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (name, 1405), Le Pekoke (name, 1405), On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (name, 1405).

  • The St Paul’s Cathedral accounts-clerks rarely if ever used a <y> graph in words belonging to Medieval Latin: clavis (nails’), On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (‘tiles’), pinnis (‘pins’), saccis (‘sacks’), On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (‘there’); never *tegulys, *dyes (dies, ‘days’), *unyus (unius, ‘one’). Anglo-Norman and Middle English words, on the other hand, took both <i> and <y>, names included: spyklyng (‘spikling’, ME, 1396), Thamesyam (name, 1398), Thamysia (name, 1398), latys (‘lattice’, AN, 1400), Turrym On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (name, 1405).

  • Post-vocalic backglides/length-markers are variably realised as <w> in non-Latin words only: Pouleswharf (name, 1369), Powleswharfe (1395); On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (1395), On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (1396); On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (name, 1397), Brounynge (1405); On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (AN, 1395).

  • Certain digraphs were restricted to words of English etymology: <wh->: On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (1319), On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (name, 1405); <wr->: Wrenne (name, 1404). The <sh> digraph/trigraph occurs in words of English and French etymology with five variants <sh>, <sch>, <ssch>, <chs>, <ssh>: On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (1315), masschrother (1341), flaundrchstiles (1397), flaundrisshtytt (1400), On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 (1402).

Orthographic practice was as crucial for the non-Latin-looking words as emblems were for the integrated words. The mechanisms of code-switching, glossing, compounding, emblem-usage, and orthographical convention served to create an integrated multilingual text, but also to keep Middle English and Anglo-Norman on the one hand distinct from Medieval Latin on the other.12

I mentioned above that there was a change around 1390 (the introduction of [le + bare form] and consequent loss of Latin case-agreement; the introduction of deverbal -ing forms; plurals in -ys rather than -is), which change had been building up in the preceding decades. For example, the early-14th-century words for the parts of a door-hinge in the St Paul’s (p.283) Cathedral accounts were gumphis, On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 hespis, & staput. By the financial year 1369–70, Anglo-Norman gumphis and On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405 had changed to English hokys & henge. However this apparent replacement cannot represent a wholesale shift in speech: OED has attestations of vertiwell (spread out under headwords vartiwell, n. and vardle, n., ultimately derived from Latin vertibulum ‘joint’) still in use in late-19th-century East Anglian English.13 The East Anglian quotations (copied from EDD) are from a Lincolnshire dialect word-list: ‘vartiwells, a part of a hinge to a gate’ (1866), ‘vartiwell, the eye of a gate in which the crook works’ (1877), and a description of Norfolk dialect: ‘vardle, a common eye or thimble of a gate, with a spike only’ (1787), ‘vardle, bottom hinge of a gate’ (1893). The route of entry into English went from Latin vertibulum > Anglo-Norman vertivel (AND: ‘vertivel, a hengle Westm Glosses’) > Middle English vertiwell > Modern English vardle. In order for phonetically distinct variants to have evolved in East Anglia, the vertiwell-derived words must have continued to be used, presumably spoken by the kind of workmen who worked with hinges, and passed on to his mate (garcio, servientes, famulus).

Of the 130 unintegrated non-Latin words, 35 pre-date 1390, and 95 post-date 1390. There is more text extant from later years as later rolls are longer and fuller than earlier ones, but even so, the addition of increased ratios of English to Latin chimes with developments in other contemporaneous accounts.14 The admission of more and more Middle English into the Latin matrix must have had an effect on register. If Medieval Latin was a vehicle for a formal, high style, then admixing greater amounts of the two vernaculars into Medieval Latin must have adjusted that style. Textbooks teach that the register of Anglo-Norman was courtly, legal, and generally high in contradistinction to Middle English, but the increasing presence of Anglo-Norman and Middle English in Medieval Latin writing conveyed a register-shift, akin to a move from First Class to Business Class. The mixed-language system was deemed appropriate for stewardship, be it of grand perpetual institutions like St Paul’s Cathedral and London Bridge, of private individuals such as the London businessman Gilbert Maghfeld, or the numerous religious foundations, manors, estates, and farms around the country that gave rise to the Anglo-Norman field names and country vocabulary identified by Trotter (2014b, and see also Rothwell 2008; 2009; 2012). It is surely safe to say that a country term for the bottom hinge of an East Anglian gate was not the (p.284) kind of thing that textbook authors had in mind when they claimed that Anglo-Norman was high-register, but the implicit contradiction exists only if monolingual, monoregister Anglo-Norman is the only system taken into account. The mixed-language system connoted a register of trade and commerce, of land and money management, of asset movement and inventory. The vernacular element, which the clerks presented as such by not integrating it into the matrix language, had the effect of distinguishing this register from all other (monolingual) registers.

Nonetheless, it is by no means certain that this was any kind of conscious ploy. Ingham (2010; 2011; 2012; 2013) has pinpointed the end of the 14th century as the time when Anglo-Norman ceased to be passed on to young children in the classroom, as British Anglo-Norman written after that date shows the kinds of errors made by second-language learners in adulthood. The cumulative changes mentioned here, including the 48% non-integrated code-switches, may be due to that adult learning experience. Whether or no, they became the professional norm for clerks in the 15th century, up until the ‘tip’ point was reached (at different times in different archives) and the wholesale shift to monolingual English resulted in the abandonment of the mixed-language system.

Unintegrated Anglo-Norman and Middle English vocabulary in the Dean and Chapter of St Paul’s Cathedral Rental & Accounts, 1315–1405. N = 130

Year

Middle English word (context only if explanatory)

Remarks

1315–16

tylpynnes ‘tile-pin’

MED tile (n.(2))2.b. 1333;

1391

tylepynnys

OED tile-pin, n. OE + OE 1338

1319–20

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

?AN

1319–20

lednail ‘lead-nail’

MED led (n.)2b.(b) 1303; DMLBS lednaila 1337; OED lead, n.1.C3. OE + OE lead-nail 1355

1319–20 undated membrane, c. 1320

lattenail ‘lath-nail’ lathenayl

MED lat (n.) c. 1272–3; DMLBS lathnailum 1346; OED lath-nail, n. OE + OE 1388–9

1319–20

railles ‘rails’

DMLBS railla c1155; OED rail, n.2 AN 1313–14; TL rail c1320; AND raille

(p.285) 1319–20

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS colla 9 …; TL colle, subst. fém. 1268; MED cole (n.) (a) ‘glue or size’ 1296; AND cole1 1399; not in OED

1319–20

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS teisa 1198; MED teis (n.) 1296–7; OED teise | taise, n. 2. ‘a superficial measure’ AN 1426–7

1319–20

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS robousa 1259; OED rubbish, n., adj., and int. ?AN c. 1400; AND robouse

1319–20

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

?Celtic + OE

1336

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS torchator ‘one who daubs or plasters’ 1287; OED torcher, n.2 ‘a workman employed in torching’ AN 1851; cf. AND torche ‘clay, daub’; cf. OED torch, v.2 ‘to point the inside joints of slating laid on lath with lime hair mortar’, from AN torche ‘twisted straw’

1340

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

MED mash-rother (n.) 1446; OED mash, n.1C.2 mash-rudder 1454; rudder, n.II.5. ‘paddle or pole used to stir the malt in a mash tun’ OE + OE 1410

1340

cleys ‘clayes, hurdles’

TL claie subst. fém. ‘treillis d’osier à claire-voie tendu sur un support en bois’ 1155; DMLBS cleta 1291 ‘hurdle for scaffolding’; OED claye, n. ‘hurdle’ c1307 AN; AND cleie

1341

schop ‘shop’

OED shop, n. OE; DMLBS shop/a 1189; MED shop(pe (n.); AND shope

1341

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS toral/e ‘kiln’ a1183; TL touraille ‘Étuve où s’effectue le chauffage du malt pour en arrêter la germination’ 13th c; AND toraille ‘kiln’

(p.286) 1341

tundur ‘funnel’: In vno tundur empte iiijd

MED tonour (n.) 1337; OED tunder, n. AN 1343–4; AND tunor

1341

alehop ‘ale-hoop, container for ale’:

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

j alehop & vnatica empte vjɖ

OE + OE

1341

plomer ‘plumber’

TL plombier 1266; OED plumber, n. AN 1385–6; MED plumber (n.) 1399–1400; DMLBS plumbarius 1428

1349

stayre ‘stair’

OED stair, n. OE; DMLBS steira 1282

1349

ryngges ‘rings’

OED ring, n.1 OE;

1405

ryngys

DMLBS ringa 2 1284

1349

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

MED lacch(e (n.) 1296–7; DMLBS lacchea 1297; OED latch, n.1 AN ?a1366;

1394

lacchys

AND lacche1

1349

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS quartero a1224 ‘quartron, quarter of a hundredweight’; OED quartern, n.2 3.a. ‘quarter of a hundredweight’ AN 1423; MED quartroun (n.) 1.(c) 1423

1349

pounchouns ‘puncheons’

DMLBS puncho 1236 ‘strut’; OED puncheon n.1 II.4 ‘upright piece of timber’ AN 1348; AND ponchon2

1349

holltiles ‘hollow-tile’

MED tile (n.(2))2.(b) ~ hole 1363–4; OED hollow, adj. and adv. S1.a. hollowtile OE + OE 1914

1349

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS dressor a. .. bordes 1307; OED dressing-board, n. ‘board on which food was dressed, dresser’ AN + OE c. 1440; MED dressinge (ger. 2.(a) ~bord 1380

1349

roufnayl ‘roof-nail’

OED roof, n. C3. roof-nail OE + OE 1284

1349

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS estrichborda 1335; MED est-rich-bord (n.) OE + OE + OE ‘timber from Baltic or Norway’ 1334–5; OED estriche, n.2 estrich board 1350

1391

estrichbordys

(p.287) 1356

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

?gape ‘open wide’ + AN suffix; Salzman (1952 [1997]: 511 fn 5): gapiers ‘dormer windows’

1356

oker ‘ochre’

DMLBS ochra CL; MED oker (n.(2)) 1296; TL ochre 1307–09; OED ochre | ocher, n. and adj. AN 1364

136970

hokys ‘hooks’

OED hook, n.1 OE; DMLBS hokum 1 1342

136970

latthen ‘lath-nails’: In ijC latthen xvjɖ

cf. OED lathen, adj. ‘made of lath’ 1843

136970

traunsôn ‘transom-nails’: In M l traunsôn xijdɖ

OED transom, n.5. ‘short for transom-nail, n.’ ?L 1423; MED traunsom (n.) (a) ‘nails for beams’ 1423

136970

chymeney ‘chimney’

TL cheminée c1170; DMLBS cheminea 1201; OED chimney, n. AN a1330; AND chiminee

1371

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS platus 10 ‘flat piece of wood’ 1279;

1391

‘plates’

OED plate, n. II.12 ‘horizontal beam of timber’ AN a1395

1371

hengys ‘hinges’

DMLBS henga 1314; MED henge (n.) 1356; OED hinge, n. *OE c1380; AND henge

1383

masons ‘masons’

TL maçon subst. masc. ‘ouvrier qui exécute des travaux de maçonnerie’ 1155; DMLBS macio 1166; OED mason, n.1 AN c1275, composed ?a1200

1391

postys ‘posts’

DMLBS postis CL; OED post, n.1 OE

1391

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

cf. DMLBS bemum ‘plough-beam’; OED beam, n.1 OE

(p.288) 1391

rafterys ‘rafter’

DMLBS raftera Reg.S.Aug.; OED rafter, n.1 OE

1391

bracys ‘arched roofbeam’

DMLBS brachium 10.d ‘tie-beam’

1404

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

1233; OED brace, n.2 IV.17.a. ‘timber used in a roof’ AN 1530; MED brace (n.) 4. (c) 1348; AND brace13 ‘arched wooden beam’

1391

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS curba 1228; TL courbe ‘pièce de bois cintrée’ adj. et subst. 1314; OED curb, n.III.8.a. ‘frame or ‘coaming’ round the top of a well to which the lids are fastened’ AN 1511; MED courbe (n.) ‘curved piece of timber’ 1291–2

1391

ħtlathys ‘heartlaths’

DMLBS hertlatha 1333; OED heart, n., int., and adv. C3.a. heart lath OE + OE 1324; MED hart-lat (n.) ‘lath made from heartwood’ 1332

1391

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS penticium 1211; OED penthouse, n. AN a. 1400 c. 1300; MED pentis (n.) 1348

1391

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

MED shore (n.(3)) ‘prop’ 1294-5; DMLBS schorum ‘prop’ 1389; OED shore, n.3 1.a. MDu/MLG, ON c1440

1391

leggys ‘ledges’

DMLBS legga 1279; OED ledge, n. Gmc, ?OE c1330

1391

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS daubator 1274; OED dauber, n. AN c1300; MED dauber (n.) 1263

1392

lym ‘lime’

DMLBS limus ‘mud as building material’ CL; OED lime, n.1 2. ‘cement’ OE

1392

lathys ‘laths’

DMLBS lata 1130; OED lath, n. OE

1392

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OED bail, n.4 AN cross-bar 1575

(p.289) 1393

sake ‘sack’

DMLBS saccus CL; OED sack, n.1 OE

1393

farecost, varecost ‘boat’

DMLBS farcosta 1284; OED farcost, n. ON 1284

1393

suelwe, swelewe ‘swallow, drain’

MED swolwe (n.) (g) ‘drain’ a1450; cf. OED swallow, n.2 ‘a deep hole’ OE

1393

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS stolpa 1289; OED stoop, n.11.a. ON 1439; MED stulp(e (n.) ‘stake’ 1350

1393

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OED pace, n.1 IV.10. ‘part of a floor, step’ AN 1423; TL pas2 subst. c. 1180 ‘marche de départ d’un escalier?’; 1340 ‘marche d’escalier’; AND pas1 4 ‘step of stairway’

1393

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS grata 1429 ‘grating’; OED grate, n.1 ‘framework of bars’ AN c1440; AND grate2 2 ‘grating’ 1408/9; MED grate (n.(1)) ‘grating’ 1423

1393

mantel ‘chimney mantelpiece’

DMLBS mantellum 1237 CL ‘mantle’; TL manteau subst. masc. ‘partie supérieure de la cheminée qui couvre la hotte’ 1332; OED mantel, n. AN 1357

1393

wyket ‘wicket, small door or gate in or alongside larger door or gate’

DMLBS wikettum 1198; OED wicket, n. AN 12.

1393

jystes ‘joists’

DMLBS gista 1199; OED joist, n.1 1294

(p.290) 1393

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

cf. OED plank board, n. 1444; MED plank(e (n.)1.(b) ~ bord AN + OE + OE 1444

1393

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OE + OE

1394

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OED shud, n. ?MLG c1440, shed, n.21.a. 1457; MED shud(de (n.) 1440; DMLBS shuddum 1442

1394

scauegours ‘scavagers, officers who collected a toll’

DMLBS scawagium 1267; OED scavager, n. AN 1307; AND scawageour

1394

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OED hay-house, n. OE heghus

1394

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OED nail, n. OE

1394

traunsȗnayl ‘transom-nail’

OED transom, n. C2. transom-nail ?AN + OE 1359; MED traunsom (n.) (a) ~ nail 1359

1394

lood ‘load’

DMLBS lada 3 ‘load’ 1163; OED load, n. OE

1394

florys ‘floors’

OED floor, n.1 OE

1394

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OE + OE

1394

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OE + OE + OE; cf. OED fivepenny, adj.

1394

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OE + OE

1394

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OED pew, n. OF c1400 ?a1397; MED peu(e (n.(1)) c1400 ?a1397; DMLBS puwa 1423

1397

pewys

(p.291) 1394

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OED stress n.II.10. AN c1440; MED stress(se (n.) 4. 1418

1394

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

MED tile (n.(2)) ~ scarthe 1371; OED tile-sherd, n. OE + OE 1527

1394

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OED reredos n. with explicit comment re 14th c. mixed-language contexts; MED rere-dos(e (n.) ‘masonry backing for a fireplace’ AN + AN 1393; AND reredos

1395

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

?Cf. OED cock n.1IV.12.a. ‘spout’ + -er; cf. MED coker (n.) (b) ‘covering for the legs’ (ie ?’lagging’)

1395

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS hopa 3 1311; OED hoop, n.1 OE

1395

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS dormantus 1313 AN ‘sleeper, ‘horizontal beam’; OED dormant n.B.n.1.a. OE + OE ?1454; MED dorma(u)nt (adj. & n.) 2. ‘beam’ 1411

1395

sparres ‘spars, rafters’

DMLBS sparra 1211; OED spar, n.1 Gmc c1340

1395

sixpenynayl: ‘sixpenny-nail’

OED sixpenny, adj. and n. 1426–7; MED six (num.) 1c.(d) ~peni nail OE + OE + OE 1423

1395

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

?OE + OE

1403

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

1396

bordys ‘boards’

DMLBS borda 1169; OED board, n. OE

(p.292) 1396

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

? DMLBS sagma/somera ‘breast-summer, horizontal bar’ 1296; ? cf. MED sem(e (n.(2)) Churchwardens’ Accounts of Yatton, Somerset, 1459–60: xxx zeme of bordys, xij d. the zeme

1396

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OED raft, n.1 ON c1330; MED raft (n.) ‘beam’ c1330(?c1300)

1396

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OE + OE

1396

playntille ‘plain-tiles’

MED tile (n.(2))2.(b) 1377; OED plain tile, n. AN + OE 1399–1400

1396

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

MED; OED stair, n.C2. stair-shide OE + OE 1477–9

1397

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

MED tile (n.(2))1.(b) flanderischetylle 1349; compound not in OED, but see Flanders, n.I.2.a. Flanders tile AN + OE a1399

1397

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS standardum 1228; OED standard, n. and adj. III.19.a. ‘an upright timber’ AN c. 1450

1397

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

MED stor(e (n.(1)) 4. (b) ~ hous AN + OE 1348; OED storehouse, n. 1348;

1398

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

MED shel(le (n.) 6. (d) ‘a board or plank’ 1409(1338); OED shell, n. II. ‘shell-shaped object; something concave or hollow’ OE

1398

shide ‘shide’

OED shide, n. ‘piece of timber’ OE

1398

rakkys ‘racks’

DMLBS racka 1 ‘rack for holding fodder for livestock’ 1279; OED rack, n.4 ‘rack holding animal fodder’ MDu/MLG 1343–4

(p.293) 1398

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OED elm, n. OE

1398

sere ‘bar, bolt’

DMLBS sera ‘bolt’ c833; AND sere1

1398

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OED estate, n. AN 12.a. ‘property’ 1563; MED estat (n.) 21. ‘property’ c1330(?c1300); AND estat 6. ‘lands, estate’

1398

polynes ‘pulleys’

DMLBS pullanus 1238; OED polaine, n.1 AN 1295; MED polein(e (n.(1)) (a) a1350

1398

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

cf. DMLBS hertlatha 1333; OED heart, n., int., and adv. C3.a. heart lath OE + OE + OE 1324; MED hart-lat (n.) ‘lath made from heartwood’ 1332

1398

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OE + ?AN

1398

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

MED fagot (n.) (d) fagot staf ‘a pole for carrying faggots’ AN + OE 1323

1399

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS laticium 1240; OED lattice, n. AN a1382; TL lattis, subst. masc. XIIIe s. ‘garniture, ouvrage de lattes’

1400

latys

1400

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS gojo 2 ‘metal pivot at end of axle’ 1284; OED gudgeon n.2 ‘pivot’ AN 1400;

1401

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

MED gojoun (n.(2)) 1. (b) ‘a ring or slot into which the end of one of the bars of a barred window fits’ 1354–5; AND gojoun 2 ‘pin for securing two parts together’

(p.294) 1400

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS 2 copula 4a. 1171; OED couple, n. II. 8. ‘one of a pair of inclined rafters’ AN c.600

1400

clampe ‘clamp’

DMLBS clampa ‘metal band’ 1279; OED clamp, n.1 ?MLG/MDu, ?*OE a. 1400

1400

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

MED trave (n.) ‘beam’ a. 1395; OED trave, n. ‘wooden beam’ AN 1395; DMLBS trab/s ‘projecting moulding’ 1465, ‘roof-tree’ c1595; TL trabe subst. fém ‘flagpole’ 17th c.; AND travure

1400

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

AN + OE ‘privy’; cf. OED siege, n.I.3.a.

1400

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OE + OE + OE; cf. DMLBS bechlatha 1333; AND bech2 bech lath 1407–8

1400

resōns ‘raisings, planks’

OED reason, n.2 AN c. 1330 (1300); cf. DMLBS siderasenus

1400

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OED raising-piece, n.1 OE + AN 1286; MED rasen (n.) (a) ~ pece 1286

1401

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OED transom, n. ‘cross-beam’ ?L 1487–8; MED traunsom (n.) 1347–50

1400

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

?AN + OE (cf. couple)

1401

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

1401

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OE + OE

1401

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OE + OE

(p.295) 1402

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OED gyle, n. gyle-house MDu + OE ?1333–4; MED gil(e (n.(2))(c) ~hous 1423; cf. DMLBS gylefatta 1266

1402

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS corona CL; OED crown, n. II. 8.a. ‘circular ornament’ L a1325

1402

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS sagma/somerius ‘breast-summer’, horizontal bar 1296; OED summer n.2 II.2.b. AN 1359–60; AND somer2 ‘horizontal beam’

1402

palice ‘fence of pales, palisade’

DMLBS palicium 1091; TL palis ‘palissade’ 1091; OED palis, n. AN c. 1400 (?c.1390)

1402

peire ‘pair’

DMLBS paria 1212; OED pair, n.1 AN c. 1300

1402

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OED trap-door, n. OE + OE c. 1374; MED trappe-dore (n.) 1423–4

1402

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OE + OE + OE

1403

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS 2 cacha 1419; MED cacche (n.) (a) 1399; OED catch, n.1 10. ‘catch of a door, etc’ AN 1520; AND cache2

1404

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS rigolus 1292 ‘channel, groove’; TL ‘partie d’un fossé où coule l’eau’ c.1210; OED rigol, n.3.a. ‘gutter’ AN 1658

1404

oylet ‘eyed portion of hinge’, ‘spyhole’

DMLBS oillettus 1384; OED oillet, n. AN 1333; MED oilet (n.) 3. (b) 1447; AND oillet

1404

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OED stock-lock, n. OE + OE 1365–6; MED stok (n.(1))3c.(a) ~lok ‘a lock enclosed in a wooden case’ 1365–6

1404

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

OE + AN

(p.296) 1405

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS doga ‘wainscot’ 1472; cf. OED dog, n.1 III. Specialized uses, denoting various mechanical devices for gripping or holding

1405

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS cavus 2b. ‘cellar’ CL; OED cave, n.1 AN; MED cave (n.(1))2. ‘pit’ c1330

1405

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS copero ‘toppings’ 1209; OED coperoun, n. AN c. 1400 (?c.1390); AND couperon 2; MED coperoun (n.) 1395

1405

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

AND framante ‘roof (timbers), ceiling’ AN c.1175

1405

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

AND bot2 ‘boatload’ (un bote de ragge) AN 1426–7; cf. OED boat, n.1

1405

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

? + OE

1405

On Non-integrated Vocabulary in the Mixed-language Accounts of St Paul’s Cathedral, 1315–1405

DMLBS guttera 11..; TL gotiere c. 1145; OED gutter, n. AN a1300; AND gutere

(p.297) References

Bibliography references:

AND Anglo-Norman Dictionary. Online at http://www.anglo-norman.net

DC S. Paul. RentAc Dean & Chapter of St Paul’s Cathedral, London, Rental & Accounts: London Metropolitan Archive, CLC/313/L/D/001/MS25125 [by roll no.]: 001, 003, 005, 007–8, 012, 014–15, 018–20, 022, 024–6, 028–36, 038–42, 044–6 (rolls not included yielded no new vocabulary).

DMLBS Dictionary of Medieval Latin from British Sources, ed. R. E. Latham, D. R. Howlett & R. K. Ashdowne (London, British Academy, 1975–2013).

EDD English Dialect Dictionary, ed. J. Smith (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1898–1905).

MED Middle English Dictionary (Ann Arbor, MI, University of Michigan Press). Online at http://quod.lib.umich.edu/m/med/

OED Oxford English Dictionary. Online at http://www.oed.com

TL Altfranzösisches Wörterbuch, ed. A. Tobler & E. Lommatzsch (Wiesbaden, Franz Steiner, 1969). http://atilf.atilf.fr/dendien/scripts/tlfiv4/showps.exe?p=combi.htm;java=no

Alcolado Carnicero, J. M. (2013), ‘Social Networks and Mixed-language Business Writing: Latin/French/English in the Wardens’ Accounts of the Mercers’ Company of London, 1390–1464’, unpublished PhD thesis, University of Castilla-La Mancha.

De Schepper, T. & Stam, N. (in press), ‘Diamorphs: From Lexical Loans to Emblematic Elements’, in P. Pahta, J. Skaffari & L. Wright (eds), Multilingual Practices in Language History: New Perspectives (Berlin, De Gruyter).

Howlett, D. R. (1997), ‘A Polyglot Glossary of the Twelfth Century’, in S. Gregory & D. A. Trotter (eds) De Mot en Mot, Aspects of Medieval Linguistics, Essays in Honour of William Rothwell (Cardiff, University of Wales Press), 81–91.

Ingham, R. (ed.) (2010), The Anglo-Norman Language and its Contexts (Woodbridge, Boydell and Brewer).

Ingham, R. (2011), ‘Code-switching in the later medieval English lay subsidy rolls’, in H. Schendl & L. Wright (eds), Code-switching in Early English (Berlin: Mouton), 95–114.

Ingham, R. (2012), The Transmission of Anglo-Norman: Language History and Language Aquisition (Amsterdam, John Benjamins).

Ingham, R. (2013), ‘Language-mixing in Medieval Latin Documents: Vernacular Articles and Nouns’, in J. A. Jefferson & A. Putter (eds), Multilingualism in Medieval Britain 1100–1500: Sources and Analysis (Turnhout, Brepols), 105–121.

Ingham, R. (in press), ‘Medieval Bilingualism: Perspectives from Codeswitching and from Language Choice’, in P. Pahta, J. Skaffari & L. Wright (eds), Multilingual Practices in Language History: New Perspectives (Berlin, De Gruyter).

Kretzschmar, W. A., Jr. (2015), Language and Complex Systems (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press).

Rothwell, W. (2008), ‘Anglo-French in Rural England in the Later Thirteenth Century: Walter of Bibbesworth’s Tretiz and the Agricultural Treatises’, Vox Romanica, 68: 100–32.

(p.298) Rothwell, W. (2009), ‘Soil and Toil: English and French in the English Countryside During the Later Middle Ages’, English Studies, 90: 379–402.

Rothwell, W. (2012) ‘Language and Society in Post-Conquest England: Farming and Fishing’, Modern Language Review, 107: 389–407.

Salzman, L. F. (1952 [1997]), Building in England Down to 1540: A Documentary History (Oxford, Clarendon Press).

Schendl, H. (2011), ‘Beyond Boundaries: Code-switching in the Leases of Oswald of Worcester’, in H. Schendl & L. Wright (eds), Code-switching in Early English (Berlin, Mouton), 47–94.

Trotter, D. (2010), ‘Bridging the Gap: The (Socio)linguistic Evidence of Some Medieval English Bridge Accounts’, in R. Ingham (ed.), The Anglo-Norman Language and its Contexts (Woodbridge, Boydell and Brewer), 52–62.

Trotter, D. (2014a), ‘Deinz Certeins Boundes: Where does Anglo-Norman Begin and End?’, Romance Philology, 67: 139–77.

Trotter, D. (2014b), ‘Why Are There So Few French Place-names in England?’, English Today, 30(2): 39-42.

Wright, L. (1995), ‘Middle English -ende and -ing: A Possible Route to Grammaticalization’, in J. Fisiak (ed.), Linguistic Change under Contact Conditions, Trends in Linguistics Studies and Monographs 81 (Berlin, Mouton de Gruyter), 365–82.

Wright, L. (2002), ‘Code-intermediate Phenomena in Medieval Mixed-language Business Texts”, Language Sciences, 24: 471–89.

Wright, L. (2010), ‘A Pilot Study on the Singular Definite Articles le and la in Fifteenth-century London Mixed-language Business Writing’, in R. Ingham (ed.), The Anglo-Norman Languge and its Contexts (York, York Medieval Press and The Boydell Press), 130–42.

Wright, L. (2011), ‘On Variation in Medieval Mixed-language Business Writing’, in H. Schendl & L. Wright (eds), Code-switching in Early English (Berlin, Mouton), 191–218.

Wright, L. (2012), ‘On Variation and Change in London Medieval Mixed-language Business Documents’, in M. Stenroos, M. Mäkinen & I. Særheim (eds), Language Contact and Development around the North Sea (Amsterdam and Philadelphia, PA, John Benjamins), 99–115.

Wright, L. (2013), ‘On Historical Language Dictionaries and Language Boundaries’, in L. Sikorska & M. Krygier (eds), Evur Happie & Glorious, ffor I hafe at Will Grete Riches, Medieval English Mirror 9, (Bern, Peter Lang), 11–26.

Wright, L. (2017), ‘A Multilingual Approach to the History of Standard English’, in P. Pahta, J. Skaffari & L. Wright (eds), Multilingual Practices in Language History: New Perspectives (Berlin, De Gruyter).

Notes:

Acknowledgements: I am particularly grateful to Ian Short, Richard Ingham, David Trotter, and the editors for criticism of earlier drafts.

(1.) See Wright (2012) for a description of the switchpoints.

(2.) Visual diamorphs result when two (or more) written codes are overlapped, so that the resultant form is simultaneously both (or all); see Wright (2011: 203).

(3.) Emblems are written devices which are not letter-graphs—the ampersand symbol, abbreviation and suspension symbols, and symbols representing pounds, shillings, and pence, or weights and measures, for example.

(4.) The hyphen symbol at the end of the word indicates ‘variable case-ending’. I have not invented a Latin nominative singular suffix if one does not occur in the accounts.

(5.) Salzman (1952 [1997]: 266): ‘it is not worth while multiplying unilluminating reference to gutters.’

(6.) See Wright (2010). [le + bare form] had been in use from the Norman Conquest for personal names, occupational names, place-names and locative descriptors such as le holt (see Ingham 2013); the innovation at the end of the 14th century was to extend the practice to a wider range of nouns.

(7.) See de Schepper and Stam (in press) for an account of visual diamorphs in Medieval Latin/ Medieval Irish manuscripts.

(8.) See Wright (1995; 2002) for more on the overlap between the Middle English and Medieval Latin -and-, -end- visual diamorphs.

(9.) See Wright (2012: 104–5) for further discussion of lathanɖ, florying̕, and punchounynge.

(10.) There are no uniquely-French plurals in this archive, although other accounts contain them, eg. ML kidelli, kidellorum / AN kidelx, kideux / cf. ME kyddel ‘type of fish-trap’ (Wright 1996: 67).

(11.) I excluded place-names (tymberhetħ), building-names (le catfydele), personal names (joħi smalsho) and personal titles (priorisse) from the count. What to count as a word is not entirely straightforward: Kretzschmar points out that dictionaries under-represent the number of words in a language because they mainly list simplex forms as headwords, whereas speakers agglomerate simplex forms into more complex structures (compounds, compounds plus morphemes, phrases): ‘The number of entries for headwords in the dictionary, for example, grossly underestimates the possible units in the lexicon if we take multi-word collocations into account’ (Kretzschmar 2015: 30). I have been more conservative than Kretzschmar, who includes e.g. ‘one little dry spell’ as an example of a multi-word unit, but I have included words such as longbechelatħ (‘long beech-lath’), brodeheuedenaitt (‘broad-headed nail’), shorthertlathis (‘short heart-laths’), vpperiʒtroffs (‘upright-trough’), as their formation is regular: monolingual Latin second-elements are rare, if they occur at all: Paulysnayl (‘Paul’s-nail’) not *Paulysclavis; hangingloke (‘hanging-lock’) not *hangingcerur̕. The DMLBS often contains such words considerably earlier than those listed by the OED and the MED, and Trotter (2014a: 169) observes that dictionaries have trouble with words first found in another language: ‘In common with the MED and OED, and increasingly as time went on successive fascicles of the DMLBS, the AND does not reject words merely because they are attested in the “wrong” language’. Cf. Trotter (this vol., ch. 13) and Durkin & Schad (this vol., ch. 14).

(12.) This observation has already been made by Trotter (2010: 60), who observed that the articles le/ lalles in mixed-language texts preceded only non-Latin words, not Latin words. He concluded that there was a binary system in operation, Medieval Latin on the one hand versus Anglo-Norman/Middle English on the other, rather than a ternary one. Ingham (in press) on the other hand sees lellalles as a short code-switched string. Either way, it does not imply that scribes did not know their English from their French (see Ingham 2011: 100, Wright 2013: 20–3). It is probably this keeping of English and Anglo-Norman orthographically distinct from Medieval Latin that led Howlett (1997: 89) to claim that ‘when Anglo-Saxons wrote English they wrote English, and when they wrote Latin they wrote Latin. They did not contaminate their Latin with English’, although they did in fact code-switch: this comment was quoted by Schendl (2011: 47) in a paper demonstrating Old English/Latin code-switching.

(13.) OED has no quotations prior to 1525 (‘For hengells, verdolls, & hoks, hespes & staples’) as for this headword, mixed-language texts were not surveyed. See also EDD vartiwell, sb. and vardle, sb.

(14.) See Wright (2017) for a discussion of other late-14th, early-15th-century changes, including a period of code-switching as a sustained norm between 1420 and 1440 in the Mercers’ Company archive, as identified by Alcolado Carnicero (2013).